AMDO TIBET, CHINA
Two photovoice groups were formed with pastoralists from Golok and Kokonor in Amdo Tibet. The group in Golok comprised males and included monks, to understand male perceptions, while the group in Kokonor was a female group. This selection enabled us to examine the issues through the lens of both genders. Two rounds of photovoice were conducted with both groups exploring uncertainty and pastoralism. These field sites were selected because, besides the varying altitude, both sites have different issues such as intergenerational gaps, lake expansion, urbanisation, and vanishing pastures. Photographs and narratives were collected and shared through WeChat (a social media platform in China). With the advent of newer mobile technologies and access to the internet, messaging has enabled a far more dynamic process of collecting photographs and allowing for discussions remotely.
The photovoice process was undertaken over time to cover seasonal variability and its effects on the lives of pastoralists in different settings. The dominant realisation among the photovoice participants in the community validation workshop was that ‘the only certain thing is pastoralism’ (with young people returning to pastoralism) and the perception that ‘things in the city are very uncertain.’ A prominent theme discussed in Kokonor was the issue of losing land and livestock to the expanding lake and trying to create opportunities for change and transformation, despite such impacts. With monks being a part of the male photovoice group, there were discussions on uncertainty reflecting Buddhist religious beliefs and culture. The group provided many examples that describe different dimensions of uncertainty in the Tibetan setting. As a result of these community delibe- rations, the two main themes that evolved were: ‘The lake expansion and the landless pastoralists’ in Kokonor and ‘The black tent and the summer pasture’ in Golok. Both groups were motivated and kept sending pictures and narratives via WeChat. At the end of the process, both groups convened and had a community validation followed by an exhibi- tion for the local people.
‘This was my winter pasture, and I spent my first 20 years there. Then I got married and had a share of pasture from my family. I fenced up the pasture and leased this piece of land to others, and sometimes I herd my flock too... Uncertainty to me is the land I have lost to the lake. Our pastoral life depends on the land, a significant part of my life I have lost. I lost a place where I had my childhood memories and cultural footprints. It is not only the livelihood I lost but also an important part of my life that completes me from all perspectives.’ (Gong Bae).
Credit: Gong Bae.
‘There are around 300 households in our community. Unfortunately, only one or two families still live in our traditional black tents; all other families stay in white tents or concrete and iron houses. Every 20th February, we hold the annual Dri Mo (female yak) Beauty Contest within the community. We present the pastoral culture to the whole community, and it is not only a special festival day for Dri Mos but also a good opportunity to show young pastoralists the traditional pastoral way of life. I know it is unreasonable for them to live in black tents these days, but it is still our common memory, and you need to know the past so you can proceed to the future.’
(T Sam). Credit: T Sam.
For more on the Amdo Tibet work, see Chapter 4,‘Hybrid Rangeland Governance: Ways of Living With and From Uncertainty in Pastoral Amdo Tibet, China by Palden Tsering in the book Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Development. See also the newspaper on the Seeing Pastoralism website.
SARDINIA, ITALY
A pastoralist in Sardinia shares old photos from a lunch shared after sheep-shearing. Shearing is a slowly disappearing collective event. Friends, family, and pastoralist colleagues are invited to help. Young people keep the sheep so they are ready to be sheared and are also in charge of collecting the wool. Adult pastoralists shear for four to five hours a day for two or three days in a row. After shearing, everyone enjoys a nice lunch and spends time together. Credit: Giulia Simula.
‘Look, these are the deadlines for invoices and things to
pay. And when payments are due, etc. But the payments
don't arrive on time and the bills to be paid remain...
how can you stay calm? How do you plan things? I write
everything down because it’s the only way to plan a
little bit... but you don't get a payment and you still
have to pay 800€ of feed and 500€ of diesel and vac-
cines and this and this and that and then things accu-
mulate and it’s not easy. Especially because we are at
the beginning of the year and they are all investments
and no income since the aid does not arrive. I have yet
to get the drought aid of 2017 just so you understand
the situation.’ (Filippo Dore).
Credit: Filippo Dore
Credit: Filippo Dore
Pastoralism is the backbone of the Sardinian economy and culture. In recent decades, however, the dairy industry has undergone profound change with significant implications for pastoralists. The declining price of milk and increasing cost of inputs affect every pastoralist in Sardinia, generating many uncertainties for pastoral livelihoods. But everyone is affected differently, and responses to uncertainties vary widely: ‘Why don’t you sell cheese if the milk price is low?’ is a frequent question.
Diverse responses reflect the different realities of pastoralism in Sardinia. Two groups were formed to capture the pastoralists’ perspectives, one in and around a market town and another in a remote mountain area. Due to the pandemic, the researcher had to adapt the photovoice method, using Facebook and WhatsApp to interact with the pastoralists and collect and share photographs. It was not easy due to the on-and-off lockdowns. Following lengthy discussions, pastoralists often trusted the researcher to choose the pictures and help frame their narratives. The result was a collaborative reflection. Unfortunately, because of the unique situation presented by the Covid-19 pandemic, the photographs reflected a constrained life without the usual festivals and celebrations that typify pastoral life. Some participants also did not have the time to engage as the pandemic created many production and market challenges. Those who were involved in more specialised production were busy most of the time. Unable to leave their houses, pastoralists also shared old photographs: pictures of them sharing a meal after a sheep-shearing session or pictures that showed solidarity and camaraderie, for example. These images told stories of the past and reflected what an excellent pastoral life should be. The pastoralists always wanted to share positive pictures – pictures of pride and not necessarily of uncertainty. Uncertainty was implicit in the context, but they wanted to show how they overcame it by being resilient, stoic, and with challenges taken in their stride. Later in the process, when conversations emerged around the photos taken, the pastoralists went into depth, revealing more nuanced reflections prompted by the pictures.
One strongly emerging theme was the dynamic around the market – volatile prices, shifting demand, challenging access – and the political relations with the state that governed these. This was a core feature of uncertainty that emerged through the discussions, which allowed pastoralists to have a voice around these political and economic issues and express concerns in new ways. The many in-depth freewheeling conversations with the photovoice groups brought to light two themes: ‘Food production as resistance and necessity: regaining control over price’ and a focus on relying on natural produce during uncertain times, told through the photovoice story: ‘Not everyone can make cheese and sell jam.’ The photovoice experience in Sardinia showed the strength of not being overly rigid when embedding a particular method and approach. The pandemic required innovation and improvisation, and responding to uncertainty in the research process. The conversations that flowed brought out both personal and general political-economic problems and highlighted how these were intertwined around themes of uncertainty. As the Sardinia case demonstrated, group discussions among the participants after the completion of the method are as crucial as the photo-taking process.
For more information on Giulia Simula’s work on Sardinia, see Chapter 5: Uncertainty, Markets, and Pastoralism in Sardinia, Italy, in the book Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Development. See also the newspaper on the Seeing Pastoralism website.
Beyond seeing pastoralism as a livelihood, and as a way of life that responds to various uncertainties, livestock provides a stable job and a viable alternative to living in the city. High unemployment rates in the south of Tunisia is a primary concern for the younger generation, causing significant emotional distress. The original plan was to share dispo- sable cameras with the participants in the mountains and plains to capture a wide range of perspectives. However, the researcher was unable to travel to her field site in Tunisia for over a year during the pandemic, constraining the photovoice process. Towards the end of the project, cameras were provided to two youths. These photovoice stories por- tray the lives of two young entrepreneurial livestock owners, Mohammed and Said, aged between 30–35, from Douiret in the region of Tataouine. Using disposable cameras, their stories illustrate the everyday life of emerging livestock owners who have returned to their place of origin to escape emotional and physical precarity in the city. Their flocks provide employment and income, as well as being a healthy food source. The increasingly stringent migration policies, coupled with the challenges faced by the national economy, such as the increasing living and housing expenses and limited access to credit and land, are all factors that limit opportunities for younger generations in rural areas. One of the stories reflects on a journey back to the rural areas. It is relayed from inside the car, tra- velling to and from Douiret.
Images capture them waiting in front of petrol stations and shops while fodder is unloa- ded, and they contrast the experiences of migrants constantly on the move with the still- ness of café culture. The images capture the tension between returning to a simpler life and leaving for the city (Tunis) or going abroad to follow their aspirations. The other photovoice story is more like a digital diary. It depicts the familiarity of community life, surrounded by livestock and the simplicity of a tent and the open expanse of rangelands. This contrasts with the cacophony of unsatisfactory possibilities in the capital city of Tunis. A group activity, where the participants gather to discuss the pictures taken and try to identify themes, proved a considerable challenge during the pandemic lockdowns in Tunisia. Instead, undertaking individual, more rapid explorations using photovoice and digital photo diaries proved an excellent alternative. The process is less controlled by the researchers, and when face-to-face interaction was not possible, this allowed more remote engagement with the process.
‘I love this place, in peace, in work; if you want to be
a self-made man, you can do it... I started in 2006
with a small number of livestock, six head, and we
reached 35 head; then, in two to four years, you
find yourself owning 150–250 head... you cannot
do that in Tunis; you cannot invest in a place you
don’t like; you wouldn’t succeed.’ (Mohammed).
Credit: Mohammed.
Credit: Mohammed.
For more information on Linda Pappagallo’s work on southern Tunisia, see Chapter 8: Confronting Uncertainties in Southern Tunisia: The Role of Migration and Collective Resource Management in the book Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Development. See also the newspaper on the Seeing Pastoralism website.
The original idea for the photovoice was to document the Rabari herders’ perceptions during the movements of their camps and animals across the seasons.
Movement is synchronised with the rhythms of nature – weather cycles, crop cycles, and animal life cycles. Animals serve as the mobile infrastructure that makes pastoral livelihood possible. While the health and productivity of their sheep are the primary motivation for their mobility, the camel serves as their main beast of burden, making life on the move possible. Centred around these two animals, the two photovoice stories represent the two circuits of movement of the pastoralists amidst the changing and increasingly uncertain landscape. Due to the Covid-19 lockdowns, the original plan of accompanying the her- ders on journeys had to be shelved. Two family groups were identified, as the researcher had a prior working relationship with the extended family. A field-based orientation was conducted using mobile phones, cameras, and pictorial aids. Due to their interest in the process, young male pastoralists predominantly created the photovoice stories.
The first story focuses on pastoral mobility and talks of the relationship between the pas- toralists and their animals, with their experiences of land and the environment mediated through movement. This movement involves an entanglement of complex feelings, such as trust, fear, friendship and diplomacy, as they encounter others, both familiar and unfamiliar.
The second photovoice story is about the intimate connection between a pastoralist and his camel, a species whose numbers are dwindling in the area. One of the most exciting ele- ments of exploring photovoice stories with the moving pastoralist groups was the commu- nication between the researcher and the participants during the photovoice process, even during the lockdown periods. Besides using WhatsApp video and voice calls, communica- tion included social media such as Facebook and TikTok, which the pastoralists often used to convey their feelings. Photovoice was complemented by documentary photography and photo elicitation to gather the entire spectrum of perceptions from the local community.
‘We decide 2–3 days in advance of moving. We think of
where there is good grazing, where it is worth staying.
We may stay in one place one night or even 15–20 days.
We contact pastoralists ahead and farmers ahead – they
tell us, come to our farms in a week or come in 10 days.
Our mukhi or leader goes to find grazing. This scouting is
called niharu karvu. If we stroll through the outskirts of a
village, we know that there are crops that will be harvested in this many days and will be available for the lives-
tock to graze. It is not decided where we go, but we have
built relationships in certain villages over the years where
we are comfortable, so we try to go there year after year,
providing grazing is available.’
Credit: Vibho Rabari.
Credit: Vibho Rabari.
For more information on Natasha Maru’s work in Kachchh, Gujarat, western India, see Chapter 3: Engaging with Uncertainties in the Now: Pastoralists’ Experiences of Mobility in Western India in the book Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Development. See also the newspaper on the Seeing Pastoralism website.
A key objective of the photovoice activity in Isiolo in Northern Kenya was to understand the role of youth in moral economy practices that help pastoralists confront uncertainty and look keenly at the role of both genders. The female participants examined women’s role in caring for animals and managing the milking of them. Money made from milk marketing (notably from camels) was highlighted as being necessary to support other family members as part of a broader ‘moral economy’ of solidarity and support – a fundamental way of confronting uncertainty. Through the photovoice stories, participants were able to embed the female lens and challenge the dominant view of pastoralism as being a predominantly male profession. The photovoice stories gave voice to previously silent players – women as mothers, daughters, and caregivers – central to providing support in challenging, uncertain times.
The male group explored the role of their peers in providing herding services, transportation services through motorcycles, and the importance of educated youths sending remittances from their jobs. The researcher provided smartphones to both the male and female groups. After the first round, the groups met and discussed to select the most dominant themes from the photographs and associated narratives. Regular iterations followed in the form of more group discussions throughout the photovoice project. Two sites were chosen to gather differential perceptions – one very remote and one place near Kinna Town. One photovoice story highlighted the deterioration of the vital drought-grazing reserve due to the proliferation of the invasive tree Prosopis juliflora, which added to the uncertainties faced by the pastoralists. The photovoice in Northern Kenya helped in the research process, which looked at changes over time in forms of uncertainty and moral economy practices among the Waso Boran pastoralists of northern Kenya. The photovoice stories provided a slice of the life of the pastoralists through their own eyes. Photovoice was complemented by a visual technique called re-photography to explore historical changes (see Section 6).
For more information on Tahira Mohamed’s work on Isiolo, Kenya, see Chapter 6: Responding to Uncertainties in Pastoral Northern Kenya: The Role of Moral Economies in the book Pastoralism, Uncertainty and Development. See also the newspaper on the Seeing Pastoralism website.
‘We cannot cross over there because of the bush; this shrub [juli- flora] proliferates, every faecal material livestock produces enhances regrowth. We cannot control it; it has taken over the entire riverbed. People used to have small shamba near the river bed, but they have all been lost to this shrub. Wild animals have infested the place, and the government is doing nothing about it. It is destroying our live- lihood, and now we even have conflict with the wild animals we have lived with in peace for ages.’ (Isaqo Huqa, Merti).
'I am Ralia and I am in high school. Covid-19 led to school closure and I have been home for many months. Many children have been a burden on their parents because they require meals and remain idle. I wanted to be produc- tive for myself and for my mother. I requested to use our neighbour’s vacant plot and planted onions. I invited a few women to help in planting and wee- ding. Now my onions are ready, and the earnings can help in my school fees. It’s about how you manage the problem; you can twist and benefit from the other side of the coin rather than focusing on the bitter side.’ (Ralia, Kinna).